In “From Contrastive Rhetoric to Intercultural Rhetoric: A
Search for Collective Identity,” Xiaoming Li offers alternatives to dominant
discourse. I found it interesting that she initially wanted to establish her
position through her language identity, describing herself as feeling more
Chinese than American based on her effortless use of Chinese and need to have
her articles in English proofread. I don’t know if writing is ever effortless unless
she is referring to non-academic writing. In the case she was referring to
non-academic writing, the comparison to her need to have articles proofread when
she writes in English is not necessarily fair. The tie between language and
identity certainly has many arguments that can be made for it, many of which I
do not disagree with; however, relating what people do with their first
language to their general identity is where I see the issue with contrastive
rhetoric. She seems to set herself up as an author who has adapted to the essentializing
and stereotyping as the Other while asking the reader to do none of that work
with his or her own first language, probably out of consideration that many
readers will have English as their first language. The treatment of English as
such never asks the speaker or writer to construct that language based
identity, and discussing some general features of English writing (the most
popular of which seems to be “directness”) is only for the sake of establishing
a norm against which other languages are measured.
In response to what she observed in her research on writing
in school in China, she argued against the notion that “given the fluidity of
the postmodern world, culture as indicating a bounded notion is no longer a
useful category” (15). She constructs a belief to argue against and states that
China has not lost its cultural identity, creating the impression that fluidity
is somehow completely neglectful of culture. The problem she fails to address
is that naming distinct qualities about one culture ignores similar trends
happening in different forms in other cultures. For example, when she borrows Chaim
Perelman’s definition of argument as attempting to change the state of affairs (16),
she connects this to why argument is not taught in Chinese writing, for the
culture does not welcome threats to social and political stability. She
contrasts “democracy” to “dynasty.” As a reader, I wonder why she chooses not
to address how the US population and government react to threats to stability.
No matter how much we ask student to make an argument in writing classes, the
status quo is powerful and change causes great anxiety. She reinforces the
dominance of the English speaking “democracy” by not questioning its
relationship to stability the same way she addresses that of China. And while I
do not altogether disregard the observation she makes and its possible
relationship to writing, it is an example of a generalization I find to be damaging
ad have previously come across in non-academic areas of the institution.
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